Using a popular referendum to oppose impunity
Comisión Nacional Pro- Referéndum (CNR) organized a referendum in Uruguay so that the public could vote on the congressional decision to grant impunity to human rights abusers employed by the military. Nearly every Uruguayan was affected by human rights abuses during the brutal dictatorship from 1973 to 1984. During that time many political dissidents were watched, tortured, and killed. The military and police detained 55,000 people (1 in 50 of the total population) and 300,000 people went into exile either out of fear or a because of the rapidly deteriorating economy.

Though democratic reforms came in 1984, the legacy of Uruguay’s violent political past was never confronted through legislation. In 1986, Uruguay’s nascent democracy decided to ignore that legacy altogether: they refused to allow judicial investigations into crimes committed by the military during the dictatorship by granting impunity to all agents of the military.

CNR sought to exercise the constitutional right to hold a popular referendum on this law. In order to petition the government to hold a popular referendum, CNR needed to collect 25% of the population’s signatures within one year after the law passed. This amounted to nearly 600,000 signatures.

Gathering one quarter of the population’s signatures required tremendous organizational skills, as well as extensive volunteer involvement. Some volunteers came from political parties, many more came from student groups and trade unions, but the most support came from women’s movements. Note that this is a country where women were disenfranchised politically- at the time there was not a single woman in Uruguay’s congress.

Organizing the movement’s participants posed a significant challenge. For example during a daylong National Campaign to gather signatures, organizers coordinated the efforts of 9000 brigadistas or volunteer signature collectors. These kind of massive undertakings, the work of the movement, wouldn’t have been feasible without computers and spreadsheets used to tabulate the signatures.

The government and media establishment opposed the organizers from the beginning. The Uruguayan television networks and newspapers ignored the entirety of the signature collection process. Despite this obstacle CNR gathered more than required amount of signatures. After 634,702 signatures were collected and submitted to the government, CNR fought with the Electoral Review committee over the validity of the signatures. Signatures supporting the referendum were being rejected, for what many considered unfair reasons. To most of the organizers and supporters the validity of the Electoral Review and the democratic reforms required a fair review. Unlike the signature collection process, the battle over admitting the signatures was fought in public- this time with heavy opposition from the media. CNR was given an ultimatum: it needed to verify thousands of signatures in order for the referendum to be held. In the end, CNR worked to validate another 10,000 signatures.

The difficulties did not end with the setting of the referendum. The heavy opposition in the media continued. In fact, parties in favor of impunity received more than three times as much coverage in the media. In response CNR focused all their energies on grassroots organizing-- they held rallies, distributed leaflets, hung banners, made posters, held music festivals, bike marathons and the like.

The referendum was held, turnout was high, and 51% of the voters chose to uphold impunity. That night CNR issued a press release saying the accepted the results. The next day, the CNR was disbanded.

Although the referendum didn’t pass, CNR’s work had a large impact in the Uruguayan political scene. 1 in 3 Uruguayans was visited by brigadistas during the campaign. This is a success in any democratic country. While this referendum did not pass, eight more popular referendums have been attempted. CNR’s work created a new tool with which to shape Uruguayan democracy. The brigadistas and leaders at CNR have continued to play a role in politics. For example, CNR treasurer and executive committee member, Tabarao Vasquez, became mayor of Montevideo.

The idea of holding a general referendum applies to any situation in which the government opposes popular opinion. However, it requires that a provision for this referendum procedure exist in the country or community.
Tactic Information
Intervention type: 
Restorative Tactics - Strengthening individuals and communities
Sector initiating tactic: 
Civil society
Sector intended to affect: 
Government
Contact Information
Organization: 
Comisión Nacional Pro- Referéndum (CNR)
Country or Region: 
Uruguay